Why Chores Might Matter More Than Homework

16 April 2026 5 min read

A study that followed children from age three into their mid-twenties found the strongest early predictor of how well they were doing at 25 wasn't their reading or their school. It was whether they had been given household chores from around age three or four.
A study from the University of Minnesota followed hundreds of children from age three into their mid-twenties. The researchers wanted to find the earliest predictor of how well a child would be doing at 25 - their academic record, their career, their relationships, and whether they could actually manage their own life. The strongest early signal they found wasn't whether a child read early, or which school they went to. It was whether they had been given chores to do from around age three or four.

That finding has been quietly replicated for twenty years. And during those same twenty years, the number of British and American children who do regular household chores has dropped noticeably.

The study was run by Marty Rossmann in 2002. She tracked how involved children were in household tasks - laying the table, feeding a pet, sorting a pile of washing, putting the shopping away - at three different ages. Then she looked at how their lives had gone in their twenties.

Children who started chores at three or four were more likely to be doing well at 25 than children who either started later or didn't do chores at all. Starting during the teenage years, she found, was already too late for the same effect.

Research since then has given us some idea of why. A 2022 study from La Trobe University in Australia tested over 200 children aged five to thirteen on tasks measuring working memory and impulse control. The children who regularly did self-care chores like packing their own lunch, and family chores like feeding the dog, scored higher on both. The effect was there even after the researchers accounted for parental income and education.

What Chores Actually Teach

It's easy to miss what's happening when a five-year-old sets the table. It looks like the child is being useful. What's less obvious is what the child is practising.

Setting a table requires holding several instructions in working memory - four plates, four cups, one glass each for the grown-ups - then sequencing them, noticing when something is missing, and resisting the urge to give up halfway. That's executive function in miniature. A chore is basically a self-contained exercise in planning and follow-through.

Researchers sometimes call this "effortful contribution". The child isn't just learning how to do the task. They are learning that their effort makes something happen in the world. If they don't feed the cat, the cat is hungry. That causal link is the root of responsibility.

Handing the task over to a tired parent who does it twice as fast feels kinder. It also removes the one thing that was doing the work.

The Quiet Decline

Time-use surveys show children today do noticeably less housework than children in the 1980s. A widely cited Braun Research survey found that while 82% of adults had regular chores growing up, only 28% expected the same of their own children. UK figures tell a similar story - most parents say chores matter, but fewer than half report their children actually do any on a regular basis.

What changed? Parents work longer hours, so the slot for teaching a slow five-year-old how to hoover often doesn't exist - it's faster to do it yourself. Homework has expanded into evenings that used to be flexible. Schedules are packed with clubs and lessons that feel more educational. And a strand of parenting thinking in the 2000s quietly discouraged giving children work that didn't come with obvious enthusiasm.

There's also the guilt factor. Many parents grew up doing chores under a kind of grim obligation and don't want to recreate that atmosphere. Fair enough. But the research isn't saying children need a chore chart the size of their bedroom wall. It's saying something more modest. A few regular tasks, from a young age, done as part of family life rather than as a punishment.

How Small Is Small Enough

One of the surprises here is how low the bar sits. Children aged three and four already want to help. Developmental psychologists sometimes call it the "helper stage", and it peaks somewhere between 18 months and around age four. They'll try to wipe surfaces, carry plates, put socks into pairs, push the button on the washing machine. Mostly badly. Mostly more slowly than doing it yourself.

Letting them do it, even badly, appears to matter. Research in Felix Warneken's work at Harvard and in other developmental labs has found that toddlers who are allowed to finish a helping task they have started are more likely to initiate new helping later. Children whose efforts are taken over mid-task, even with kind intentions, gradually stop offering.

There is something humbling in that. The child who asks to stir the pancake mix at three isn't just being sweet. They are making a calibrated bid to be part of the system that keeps the household running. If we turn it down too often because it isn't the right moment, we may be training them out of a disposition that would have served them for decades.

None of this is about piling heavy responsibility onto young children. The research isn't about burden. It's about inclusion. A four-year-old who puts the knives and forks out before supper. A six-year-old who feeds the goldfish. A nine-year-old who hangs up their own PE kit on a Friday night. A teenager who has been doing their own washing since they were twelve. Small and specific, done often enough that it stops being a performance and just becomes part of what this family does.

Perhaps the most interesting thing about this research is how counterintuitive it feels. We tend to assume that what shapes our children's futures is what's done for them - the best schools, the most enrichment, all the help we can find. The data keeps pointing the other way. What they do for themselves, even very badly, might matter more.
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